Ethiopia’s Anti-Graft Campaign is Rife with Ethnic Tensions

Last week, the Ethiopian government announced
the arrests of ‘top officials’ accused of ‘misdirecting
public funds’ to ‘maximize their private interests,’
employing favored euphemisms for corruption. The
names of those arrested were held back until later in
the week, however, with one writer on Facebook
comparing the delay to a suspenseful drama series.
Ultimately, when a state-backed media website
revealed the list of ‘top officials’ as 48 junior
government bureaucrats, middlemen and investors, the
news was less groundbreaking.
On Twitter, some complained that the government had
overhyped the corruption story with ‘breaking news,’
noting the list of names released did not include a
single top official.
Ruling party affiliated FanaBC reported
detention of top officials who are
suspected of corruption in #Ethiopia .
Names aren't mentioned yet.
— BefeQadu Z. Hailu (@befeqe) July 25,
2017
The highest official called out so far is the former
chief executive officer of Capital Roads Authority
(Addis Ababa), a position that is nowhere near as
powerful as claimed by government media.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam
Desalegn launched a highly publicized campaign
targeting government and state-owned company
officials suspected of corruption. The campaign has
led to the arrest and prosecution of hundreds of
officials since January 2017.
Even though the government regularly publicizes these
kinds of corruption cases, it has not convinced
Ethiopian citizens of its sincere interest in ‘cleaning
house.’ According to Transparency International’s most
recent Corruption Perceptions Index , Ethiopia is listed
among countries whose public perceive the
pervasiveness of rampant corruption in the public
sector.
Online public cynicism regarding the ongoing anti-
corruption campaign shares an overwhelming opinion
summarized in Seyoum Teshome's blog:
There are practically no non-corrupt
officials. Those arrested are corrupt, and
most of the top officials who are leading
the anti-corruption campaigns are also
corrupt. There’s no difference between the
corrupt and non-corrupt officials. The only
difference is that those who were arrested
have not secured the loyalty of senior
functionaries that can shelter them.
One factor fueling public cynicism is that infrastructure
projects are often delayed or stagnate while
contractors, subcontractors, and government cronies
grow wealthier.
Arresting and prosecuting junior officials won’t change
anything said Seyoum Teshome in a post on his widely
circulated blog.
Another writer on Facebook recently pleaded with the
Ethiopian government to stop the anti-graft campaign.
He sarcastically warned that if authorities do not stop,
Ethiopia will soon become a stateless society. In his
view, Ethiopian corruption has permeated so many
fields that it is a feature of the Ethiopian condition.
The pressure to launch an ongoing anti-graft campaign
was driven by protests that began in Oromia,
Ethiopia’s largest region, over alleged expropriation of
farmlands around Addis Ababa. Tsegaye Ararssa
wrote:
“Who said that the Oromo demands are
about arresting a select few corrupt and
depraved officials or their (questionable,
because nepotistic) connections? The
indictment of the #OromoRevolution is
directed at the system, not some junior
officials, or their wives, whom the system is
disposing of as collateral damage in its
combat with the Oromos.”
Corruption and Ethnic Politics Intersect
Some observers believe Ethiopia’s crackdown on a few
mid-level officials is politically motivated. Many have
complained about the discriminatory application of
Ethiopia’s anti-corruption laws.
Such kind of charges have been used to
settle within-party division in the past.
— BefeQadu Z. Hailu (@befeqe) July 25,
2017
Ethiopia is a one-party state in which the ruling
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front
(EPRDF) monopolizes power. The EPRDF, however, is
a coalition of four ethnic-based parties. The four
parties purport to represent particular ethnic groups,
but they share the same ideology, political association,
and policy preferences.
Authorities from these four parties – Amhara National
Democratic Movement (ANDM), Oromo People's
Democratic Organization (OPDO), Southern Ethiopian
People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and Tigrayan
People's Liberation Front (TPLF) – are currently
Ethiopia’s top leaders. However, the TPLF is the core
of the EPRDF, holding absolute power over the last
quarter of a century.
In terms of representation, Oromos make up 35
percent of the country’s 100 million people, Amharas
account for about 30 percent of the population and the
Southern Ethiopian region accounts for 14 percent.
While Tigrayans represent only six percent of the
population, they are among the most high-ranking
military officers who control the nation's security.
Outdoor advertising campaign billboard against
corruption. Photo by Alan via Flickr. CC BY 2.0
The TPLF makes vast fortunes through the Endowment
Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray-EFFORT , a party-
affiliated conglomerate with business interests in
various sectors (mining, manufacturing, service, and
media), while the remaining three ethnic parties
participate as a ‘patronage network,’ trading the needs
of their people for political influence.
One commentator has noted that while the EPRDF
frequently targets non-Tigrayan party members, they
often spare Tigrayan senior members despite their
alleged guilt for much more egregious corruption.
During the reign of the late prime minister Meles
Zenawi, some core members of TPLF were imprisoned
for corruption even though many believe they were
likely locked up because of a power struggle

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